published by Profile Books

It is not news that classical liberalism is under assault, across the globe, from both the political right and left. In an age when the dumbness of many plays into the hands of the scheming few it has become the convenient whipping post for populists (as well as social theorists) everywhere.

In this devastatingly reasonable critique, Francis Fukuyama lays out the case for the defence of what he prefers to call “humane liberalism” and explains why it would not be a good idea to ditch it at this point. Fundamental to his argument is that it is a doctrine of moderation, a means of governing over diversity and in its purest form it prioritises public-spiritedness, tolerance, open-mindedness and active engagement in public affairs

His belief in liberalism does not blind him to its shortcomings, past and present. As he puts it – if liberalism is to be preserved as a form of government, we need to understand the reasons it has generated opposition and criticism. As an example, Fukuyama admits that the neo-liberal policies that became dominant in the 1970s were not an unqualified success. Amongst other things, it led to excessive inequality and financial instability. As a result, life got harder for most people.

In admitting this, however, he takes issue with those critics of the system who insist that liberalism must lead inevitably to neoliberalism and an exploitive form of capitalism. He shows how, historically, liberal societies have, in many cases, been engines of economic growth, creators of new technologies, and producers of vibrant arts and culture

He also acknowledges that the checks and balances that liberal regimes place on the exercise of power prevents radical redistribution of power and wealth – but then counters that by pointing out these same checks and balances prevent autocratic abuses of power.

In taking us on this fascinating journey through the history of liberal thought, Fukuyama displays a masterly understanding of his subject and in a book that combines scholarship with readability, he proves himself to be the perfect guide. Even when dealing with the more abstruse theoretical positions, he never reveals anything but a lively and compassionate engagement with the subject matter.

Fukuyama is probably shouting across too great a gulf to win over anti-liberal nationalists and authoritarians of the Putin, Orban, Erdogan and Trump mould – to say nothing of our disgraced ex-president Jacob Zuma and his RET crowd – but in the increasingly polarised and uncertain times we live in the books release could hardly have been more timely – or pertinent.

Published by Basic Books

The constitutional guarantee of individual freedom of religion and speech lies at the very heart of Western rationalism and democracy. As developed by thinkers like Locke, Mill, Thomas Paine and others, the liberal notions that underpin it have proved the most effective antidote to tyranny and arbitrary injustice.

In the last few decades, though, it has found itself very much on the back foot. Not only has liberalism become the scapegoat of contemporary political and cultural discourse but the whole concept of Free Speech has come under increasing question and threat. The belief that it is now a moribund ideology has been given further traction by the advent of the new communication technology which has given access to those previously unheard and in the process amplified division, sown distrust, and unleashed a flood of unmediated disinformation (and hate speech) and eroded trust in public institutions.

No less a figure than Barack Obama has warned that an unrestrained internet and social media pose “the single biggest threat to our democracy”. It is a claim that is being echoed around the world by others.

The argument that free speech breaks down respect for authority is, however, one that has been used countless times before by the ruling elite and is one we still need to be very wary of according to author Jacob Mchangama. A telling reminder of just how fragile the liberal political order is, his book,Free Speech: A Global History from Socrates to Social Media, offers an admirable historical summary of how we got to our current position, the sacrifices that have been made along the way and why we should fear the forces of reaction and repression.

Although its roots go back far in time, it was the ancient Athenians, of course, who first made the right to free speech an inherent part of their political system and civic culture (although women, foreigners and slaves were specifically excluded). During the Middle Ages, it was, interestingly enough, in the Islamic world where the ideas of the Greeks were rediscovered and where a more fruitful environment existed for the cultivation and dissemination of rationalist philosophy and science. In Europe, it was a different story. For centuries the continent remained in the grip of despotic powers, such as the church, the nobility and various absolute monarchs, all of them intent on preserving their hold over their subjects and not having their authority questioned. Here and there, however, and in ever-increasing numbers, people began to challenge the prevailing orthodoxies. For these free thinkers, government existed not to preserve privileges but to advance the equal rights and freedoms of the people.

Mchangama extols some of the early pioneers and intellectual heroes in this struggle for the freedom of conscience. He stresses, for example, the role played by the invention of the Gutenburg Press in spreading new ideas and of Martin Luther whose proclamations ushered in the Reformation even though, later on, he came to regret the forces he had unleashed.

Not surprisingly, Mchangama devotes a fair amount of space to that great document of liberalism, the US Constitution. On the flip side, he also shows how The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen that launched the French Revolution gave way, in turn to the Reign of Terror.

Mchangama concludes his book with an extended warning about the growing abuse of power and how our hard-won liberties are being eroded around the world, even in countries once seen as bulwarks of freedom, like the United States and Britain. He makes a strong point and one we ignore at our peril.